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发帖数: 22064 | 1 http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20140604/c04elite/print/dual/
New York Times ChinaFor One Tiananmen-Era Student, a Very Different Path to
Power
By DAVID BARBOZA and MICHAEL FORSYTHE June 04, 2014
DAVID BARBOZA, 傅才德 2014年06月04日
BEIJING — A few days after the crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests
25 years ago, the Chinese government filled the airwaves with a list of the
21 most wanted student leaders accused of stirring up an antigovernment
rebellion. At the top of the list was a 20-year-old student at Peking
University named Wang Dan, who set up an unofficial student union to
mobilize his classmates to demand democracy.
北京——25年前，中国政府镇压了天安门广场的抗议活动。几天之后，广播里充斥着有
21名学生领袖的通缉名单，指控的罪行是煽动反革命暴乱。位列名单之首的是20岁的北
京大学学生王丹。他成立了一个非官方的学生联合会，以动员同学提出民主诉求。
There was no public mention then — and there have been very few mentions
since — of the head of the official student union of Peking University at
that time. His name is Xiao Jianhua. Mr. Xiao never opposed the government,
and the events of June 1989 did not make him one of China’s “most wanted.
” Instead, they catapulted him into the ranks of its most wealthy.
至于官方的北大学生会当时的主席，并没有被公开提到，在后来的岁月中也鲜有提及。
他的名字叫肖建华。他从未与政府对抗，1989年6月的事件也未使其成为中国的“通缉
要犯”。实际上，这些事件助推他跻身最富有的人士之列。
After a tepid attempt to represent fellow students to university
administrators that volatile spring, Mr. Xiao shifted course, agreeing with
administrators that street protests had become out of hand. People who knew
him at the time said he even worked with them to try to defuse the protests
before Chinese troops descended on Beijing and crushed them with force.
在那个动荡的春天，肖建华曾简单尝试在校方面前代表学生，随后转变立场，同意校方
关于街头抗议活动已然失控的看法。当时认识肖建华的人表示，他甚至还与校方合作，
试图在军队进入北京，展开武力镇压之前平息抗议活动。
The rewards were immediate. Just after he graduated, Mr. Xiao stepped into
the world of business with direct financial support from Peking University,
one of China’s most prestigious institutes. In the quarter-century since
then, he became the prototype of the politically connected financier. He has
assiduously courted the party elite, including the family of its current
president, Xi Jinping, becoming something of a banker for the ruling class
and a billionaire in his own right.
奖赏很快来临。甫一毕业，肖建华就在北大的直接资助下步入了商界，而这所学校是中
国最著名的高等学府之一。在接下来的四分之一个世纪里，他成了第一批与政界关系密
切的金融圈高层人士的一员。他不遗余力地趋奉党内权贵，包括现任国家主席习近平的
家人，逐渐变得像是统治阶层的银行买办，自己也成了亿万富豪。
Now 42 years old, Mr. Xiao controls a sprawling business empire with
interests largely in state-dominated industries, including banking,
insurance, coal, cement, property and even rare-earth minerals, and largely
managed by his holding company, the Tomorrow Group.
肖建华现年42岁，控制着一座庞大的商业帝国，其利益主要涉及国家占据主导地位的行
业，比如银行、保险、燃煤、水泥、地产，乃至稀土矿。这些业务大部分由他的控股公
司明天集团打理。
Through a series of other investment vehicles, he owns a piece of Ping An,
one of China’s largest insurers, as well as portions of Harbin Bank, Huaxia
Bank and Industrial Bank. And he has acquired stakes in at least 30 other
Chinese financial institutions.
通过一系列其他的投资工具，他持有中国最大的保险集团之一平安保险的股份，以及哈
尔滨银行、华夏银行和兴业银行的股份。此外，他还收购了至少其他30家中国金融机构
的股份。
Corporate records reviewed by The New York Times show that a company he co-
founded also paid $2.4 million last year to buy shares in an investment firm
held by the sister and brother-in-law of Mr. Xi. In 2009, another company
he helped control financed a deal that aided a company run by the son-in-law
of Jia Qinglin, then a member of China’s powerful Politburo Standing
Committee.
《纽约时报》浏览的企业记录显示，去年，肖建华联合创立的一家企业出资1500万元人
民币，收购了习近平的姐姐和姐夫持有的一家投资公司的股份。2009年，他为实际控制
人的另一家公司为一桩交易出资，而这桩交易帮助了贾庆林的女婿经营的一家企业。贾
庆林当时是中国最具权势的机构政治局常委会的一员。
Nothing about those deals has been publicly disclosed, and much about Mr.
Xiao himself remains mysterious. He declined to be interviewed for this
article and, while often talked about in financial circles, he has kept a
low public profile inside China. But he is also one of the most active
players in the frenzied deal-making of the last 10 years, and the Hurun
Report’s China Rich List estimates his personal fortune at $2 billion.
这些交易的情况丝毫没有对外公布，肖建华本人的许多事情也一直笼罩在神秘之中。他
已拒绝就本文接受采访；尽管在金融圈内常被提及，但他在中国的公众形象始终颇为低
调。然而，他是过去10年间异常活跃的交易场上最为积极的参与者之一，而且根据胡润
百富榜的估算，他的个人财富达120亿元人民币。
It is a career made possible, in good part, by the 1989 unrest — or, more
precisely, by China’s reaction against it. Rather than experiment with
greater political openness, as many Chinese intellectuals had hoped in the
1980s, the paramount leader of the time, Deng Xiaoping, pushed faster
economic development while tightening the control of the Communist Party.
这样的职业生涯之所以成为可能，有很大一部分是因为1989年的动荡，或者更为确切的
说，是因为中国对此的应对。与许多知识分子在80年代的希望背道而驰的是，当时的最
高领导人邓小平并未尝试扩大政治开放，而是在推进经济发展的同时加强了共产党的控
制。
The formula ultimately produced one of the most astounding economic
expansions in history. But it also made those with good political
connections the indispensable middlemen of high finance and convinced many
ordinary Chinese that the game was rigged.
这种方式最终催生了史上最令人震撼的经济增长之一。不过，这也让政治关系灵通的那
群人成为巨额融资中必不可少的中间人，还让许多普通民众相信，这一切都受到了不正
当手段的操纵。
Corruption, or the appearance of it, was already one of the main concerns of
students protesting in Tiananmen Square in 1989. But the scale of collusion
between business and political elites has increased markedly since that
time, with even the party now acknowledging that insider deal-making has
itself become a threat to the legitimacy of the Communist Party.
腐败，或者说是腐败的表象，已然是1989年天安门抗议学生关切的主要话题之一。然而
，自那以后，政商勾结的程度大为加深，就连党如今也承认，内幕交易本身已成为关涉
共产党合法性的一大威胁。
“There’s now this self-destructive tendency within the party,” Minxin Pei
, who teaches at Claremont McKenna College in California, said in an
interview. “Many officials regard China’s growing wealth as fair game. And
as a result, corruption has morphed into large-scale looting.”
“党内现在有一种自毁倾向，”在美国加州克莱蒙特麦肯纳学院(Claremont McKenna
College)任教的裴敏欣接受采访称。“很多官员觉得，对中国日益增长的财富的追逐并
无不妥。结果，腐败演变为大规模的劫掠行为。”
Mr. Xi is now overseeing one of the boldest anticorruption drives in decades
. During the last two years, scores of businessmen and high-ranking
officials have been detained or stripped of their powers, including a former
Politburo member, Zhou Yongkang, whose relatives are suspected of illegally
profiting from his oversight of the state oil sector.
目前，习近平亲自坐镇，掀起了几十年来最凌厉的反腐运动。过去两年里，许多商人与
高级官员纷纷遭拘捕或落马，包括前政治局常委周永康，其家属涉嫌从他原来负责的国
有石油部门非法获利。
The crackdown is putting pressure on businessmen like Mr. Xiao, who know
that if they fall out of favor with the top echelon of the party, their
business empires could come crashing down.
严打活动让肖建华这样的商人承受了压力。他们心知肚明，一旦在党内最高层眼中失宠
，旗下的商业帝国就可能分崩离析。
But his associates insist that his investments are “market-oriented” and
that he has engaged in no wrongdoing.
不过，肖建华的熟人坚称，他的投资属“市场行为”，没有牵涉任何不当作为。
There are signs, though, that he is not taking any chances with the changing
political winds in China. Some years ago, after Chinese news reports
suggested that some of his companies were involved in privatizing state
assets at below-market prices, Mr. Xiao set up a residence in Canada, where
he had obtained citizenship. He now spends much of his time working in Hong
Kong, which is governed independently.
然而，有迹象显示，他没有在中国政治风向的变化上冒任何风险。数年前，有中国媒体
的报道指出，他名下的一些企业涉及以低于市场价的代价私有化国有资产。那以后，他
在自己已取得公民身份的加拿大购置了一处房产。现如今，他很多时间是在香港工作，
那里有着自己独立的政府制度。
And when Mr. Xi’s sister and brother-in-law sold their stake last year in a
joint venture with a major Chinese bank, the buyer was a Chinese company co
-founded by Mr. Xiao. The deal was completed after a June 2012 Bloomberg
News article about the family fortune of Mr. Xi’s relatives.
当习近平的姐姐与姐夫去年出售他们与中国一家大型银行的合资企业中的股份时，买家
是肖建华联合创建的一家中国企业。这笔交易完成的时间，晚于2012年6月彭博新闻社(
Bloomberg News)发表的那篇关于习近平亲属的家族财富的文章。
A Boy With Big Dreams
心怀远大梦想的男孩
Xiao Jianhua spends much of his time these days at the Four Seasons Hotel in
Hong Kong, surrounded by aides who arrange his meetings with bankers and
Asian tycoons and female bodyguards who even wipe the sweat from his brow.
He owns a private jet and has bought multimillion-dollar properties in the
United States and Canada. And yet such trappings belie his humble beginnings.
这些日子里，肖建华大部分时间都待在香港的四季酒店里，身边环绕着助手和女保镖，
前者负责帮他安排和银行人士及亚洲大亨的会晤，后者甚至会帮他擦去额头的汗水。他
拥有一架私人飞机，在美国和加拿大买下了价值成百上千万美元的房产。然而，虽然有
着这样的排场，他却出身卑微。
He grew up in Feicheng, a poor farming village in a mountainous region of
the eastern Chinese province of Shandong, one of six children born to a
middle school teacher and his wife. At a young age, he was, by most accounts
, a voracious reader of history and literature.
他在肥城长大，该地位于山东省的山区里，属于贫困农村，他的父亲是中学教师，家中
共有六个孩子。根据很多人的描述，年少时，他如饥似渴地阅读历史和文学书籍。
“Every morning, he’d get up at 5 a.m. and jog into the hills to study,”
recalled Guo Qingtao, a childhood friend from the village and later a Peking
University classmate. “He could recite every text from memory. He even
read the teacher’s manuals.”
他儿时的朋友郭庆涛回忆说，“每天清晨，他都会在5点起床，跑步到山上去读书学习
。他能背诵每篇课文，并且将老师备课用的材料都自学了。”郭庆涛后来成了肖建华的
北大校友。
At 14, Mr. Xiao passed the highly competitive national college entrance exam
and won admission to Peking University. He arrived in Beijing, friends say,
with tattered clothes but ambitions to be a political leader.
14岁时，肖建华通过了竞争激烈的全国大学入学考试，被北大录取。朋友们说，他衣衫
褴褛地来到北京，却怀揣着成为政治领导人的抱负。
“He loved politics,” said Zhou Chunsheng, his college math tutor and now a
professor at the Cheung Kong Graduate School of Business in Beijing. “He
wanted to be a high official, and he was reading everything — social
sciences books, Marxism, the collected works of Mao.”
他系里当时的数学老师周春生说，“他热爱政治。他想成为高官，他什么都读——不管
是讲社会学的书、马克思主义著作，还是毛泽东文集。”周春生现在是北京长江商学院
的教授。
Mr. Xiao’s path to power was interrupted, though, by the most momentous
student protests since 1919. At Peking University, the students were not
just swept up in the protests, they were among the leaders of it — the ones
who led a march into Tiananmen Square, the city’s axis of political power,
to press for political reforms.
然而，肖建华的权力之路被1919年以后最重大的学生抗议事件给干扰了。在北大，学生
们不仅废寝忘食地投入抗议，而且成为了抗议的领导者——为了迫使当局进行政治改革
，他们带头发起了向天安门广场进发的游行，而那里正是北京城的政治权力中心。
At the time, Mr. Xiao was president of the university’s official student
union. The position was largely social, organizing lectures and dances, but
the post was coveted because of its ties to the Communist Youth League, a
launching pad for future careers in the party.
那个时候，肖建华是官方的北大学生会的主席。这个职位的主要任务是社交工作，比如
组织演讲和舞会。不过，该职位因为和共青团的关联而显得诱人，因为后者是日后体制
内事业的跳板。
But in the spring of 1989, students at the university began to march on
Tiananmen Square with a list of demands both for university leaders and for
the Communist Party at large. Mr. Xiao, as the titular representative of his
fellow students, was caught in the middle.
然而，在1989年的春季，北大学生开始揣着一份单子，在天安门广场游行。单子上既列
出了对校领导的要求，也列出了对共产党的整体要求。肖建华作为学生们的名义代表，
被夹在中间，左右为难。
“Xiao tried to tell the government what the students demanded, but some of
the activists didn’t like his conservative approach, so they set up their
own organization,” says Mr. Guo, his former classmate. “At the time, he
was only 17 years old and was put under a lot of pressure. Feeling powerless
, he went to the library and buried himself in books.”
他的老同学郭庆涛说，肖建华试图向政府转达学生的诉求，但是一些比较激进的人认为
他的方式太过保守。于是那些人成立了高自联。“那时候，他只有17岁，承受了很大压
力。感到无助的他去了图书馆，埋头读书。”
The responsibility of pressing the student cause fell to a history major
named Wang Dan, who helped set up an alternative student association at the
university and organized boycotts, sit-ins and hunger strikes. Mr. Xiao took
a new direction.
把学生事业进行到底的重任落在了历史系学生王丹的身上，他帮着在校内组建了另一个
学生组织，并组织了抵制运动、静坐和绝食抗议。肖建华则选择了一个新方向。
The First Pot of Gold
第一桶金
Exactly what turned Mr. Xiao toward a career in business is unclear. But his
good standing at Peking University, especially at a time when
administrators were actively persecuting students involved in the unrest,
was a clear benefit from the start.
目前依然不清楚，究竟是什么原因让肖建华选择进军商界。不过，他与北大的良好关系
，尤其是在当时那段时间，在一开始就让他获得了明显的益处。那时，校方正在积极追
究参加学运的学生的责任。
His first venture, in the early 1990s, was as a computer reseller, marketing
Dell, IBM and other personal computer brands near the Peking University
campus. He also set up a series of technology companies that were partly
funded by the university, which is run by the state, and sought to encourage
business ventures by its graduates.
上世纪90年代初，他收获了第一笔财富。当时他是一名电脑分销商，在北大校园附近兜
售戴尔(Dell)和IBM等品牌的个人电脑。他还成立了一系列的科技公司，这些公司部分
得到了校方的资助。作为官办学校，北大试图鼓励自己的毕业生创业。
None of the ventures grew particularly large, though there were partnerships
with American companies like Microsoft. But last year, in a rare interview
with the Chinese news media, Mr. Xiao said that these computer undertakings
were how he made his first pot of gold, $150 million.
这其中，没有哪家企业的规模变得特别大，尽管有一些企业和微软(Microsoft)等美国
公司建立了合作关系。不过去年，肖建华罕见地接受了中国新闻媒体的采访，他说自己
就是靠着这些电脑公司，才挖到了第一桶金，盈利超过十几亿元人民币。
In the late 1990s, he transitioned to something even more lucrative: the
stock market. Using the Tomorrow Group and other investment firms, he
speculated in stocks and began to acquire large stakes in public companies.
上世纪90年代末，他转而过渡到了更赚钱的行业，那就是股市。他利用明天集团和其他
投资公司在股市进行炒作，开始大笔吃进上市公司的股票。
Former colleagues say he succeeded, in part, by cultivating his
relationships with government officials and then using those connections to
set up or move companies to more fertile ground, such as his native Shandong
Province and the area near Baotou, Inner Mongolia, where his wife was
raised.
他的前同事说，他之所以能够成功，部分是靠培植和政府官员的关系，然后利用这些关
系，把现有公司转移到更好挣钱的地区，或在这些地区成立新公司，比如他的家乡山东
省和内蒙古包头附近的地区，他的妻子就在内蒙古长大。
“At that time, the capital markets were just starting,” said Mr. Zhou, his
former tutor and onetime business partner. “He had political connections
and knew a lot, and went to local governments and told them he could help
them set up listed companies.”
他昔日的老师和商业伙伴周春生说，“那个时候，资本市场才刚起步。他既有政治人脉
，懂的也多，他找到地方政府，对他们说，他能帮他们组建上市公司。”
Over the next decade, he helped set up dozens of investment firms, and often
his partners were government agencies, such as the Baotou State-Owned
Assets and Supervision Commission.
在接下来的十年里，他协助组建了数十家投资公司。他的合作伙伴往往是政府机构，比
如包头市国有资产监督管理委员会。
Some of his most successful deals involved buying stakes in midsize
financial institutions in smaller Chinese cities, often through a complex
web of shell or dummy corporations. When Citigroup and other investors
agreed to buy a big stake in the Guangdong Development Bank, for instance,
one of Mr. Xiao’s investment vehicles — Puhua Investment — took an 8
percent interest, and then just weeks later transferred it to another state
financial institution. Few analysts or journalists knew he was involved.
他最成功的一些交易，涉及在较小的中国城市购买中型金融机构的股份，这种交易往往
是通过壳公司或皮包公司构成的复杂网络来操作的。例如，当花旗集团(Citigroup)和
其他投资人同意认购广东发展银行的一大笔股份时，肖建华旗下的投资公司之一普华投
资就购下了8%的股份，仅仅几周之后，他就把这些股份转给了另一家国有金融机构。了
解他在此事中的角色的分析人士和记者屈指可数。
While shell companies are widely used in China as investment vehicles,
securities experts say they can also be employed to hide the ownership
stakes of public officials, providing cover for favors distributed by
businessmen. Their frequent use by Mr. Xiao has fanned speculation that he
gets privileged access to deals involving state assets and that he shares
the benefits with the families of the ruling elite.
虽然壳公司在中国被广泛用作投资工具，但证券专家表示，它们也可以用于掩盖公务人
员拥有股份一事，为商人送上的好处提供幌子。肖建华频繁利用这些工具，从而引发了
一些猜测——他拥有特权，能够参与涉及国有资产的交易，并与统治阶层的家人共同获
益。
He has had some brushes with controversy. In 2006, a huge state-run power
company called Luneng was taken over by a group of obscure investment firms.
After the Chinese business magazine Caijing published an article about the
privatization effort, the authorities ordered officials in Shandong Province
to repurchase the shares. Records reviewed by The Times show that several
firms involved in the privatization were affiliated with Mr. Xiao.
他曾数次陷入争议。2006年，大型国有能源企业鲁能被一组鲜为人知的投资公司收购。
在中国商业杂志《财经》发表了有关这一私有化事件的文章后，当局命令山东省的官员
回购股份。《纽约时报》查看的记录显示，几家涉及这项私有化交易的公司均属肖建华
名下。
Mr. Xiao was involved as a behind-the-scenes investor again in 2007, when a
small brokerage firm called Pacific Securities completed a so-called
backdoor listing on the Shanghai Stock Exchange, even though the company had
not, as required by regulators, reported profits for three consecutive
years.
2007年，肖建华再次涉及幕后投资。当时，小型券商太平洋证券在上海证券交易所完成
所谓借壳上市，但该公司并不符合监管机构提出的连续三年盈利的要求。
Through a spokeswoman, Mr. Xiao said the deals were “legal and valid.” He
also defended his use of investment vehicles, saying his name is often
omitted because he is the “chief strategist,” and not working on the
technical details of the deals.
肖建华通过一名女发言人表示，这些交易均“合法有效”。发言人还为他使用投资工具
的行为进行了辩护，称他的名字之所以通常未被公布，是因为他是“主策划师”，没有
插手相关交易的技术细节。
After the Luneng debacle, he began traveling more frequently to the United
States and Canada, for extended periods, according to his associates.
据熟悉肖建华的人士透露，收购鲁能失败之后，他开始更加频繁地前往美国和加拿大，
并逗留很长时间。
“He got disappointed in what was happening in China,” his spokeswoman, Yu
Lan, said. “The environment wasn’t good. So he went overseas.”
“他对中国的情况感到失望，”肖建华的发言人余兰说。“环境不好。所以他去了国外
。”
Relatives at the Table
交易桌上的领导人亲属
Mr. Xiao has acknowledged, through his associates, that he is acquainted
with many of the children of China’s ruling elite and that he has invested
with them. Usually, he says, it is by coincidence. They just happen to be in
the same deal.
通过身边的人，肖建华承认，他结识了不少中国高层领导的子女，并曾与他们一起投资
。他表示，通常都是碰巧，恰好和他们做同一笔买卖。
But a review of corporate registration records by The Times has found that
on at least three occasions during the last five years, companies affiliated
with Mr. Xiao have struck deals that appear to have benefited the relatives
of China’s highest-ranking leaders.
但《纽约时报》查看公司登记记录发现，肖建华旗下的企业达成的交易似乎使中国高层
领导人的亲属获益，而在过去五年中，这种情况至少出现了三次。
In January 2009, for instance, Baotou Tomorrow Technology, a public company
that Mr. Xiao has held a big stake in, announced that it would pay about $50
million to acquire a property company in southwest China’s historic city
of Lijiang from Zhaode Property in Beijing. The head of Zhaode, Li Botan, is
the son-in-law of Jia Qinglin, who until 2012 was the fourth-ranking member
of the Communist Party, with a seat on the all-powerful Politburo Standing
Committee.
例如，2009年1月，上市企业包头明天科技股份有限公司宣布，将出资3.5亿元人民币，
从北京昭德置业有限公司手中收购位于古城丽江的一家房地产公司。肖建华在明天科技
持有大量股份，而昭德置业的董事长李伯潭是贾庆林的女婿。贾庆林曾为共产党的第四
号人物，是权力极大的政治局常委会的一员，直到2012年。
More recently, a company Mr. Xiao co-founded struck a deal with the
relatives of the Chinese president, Mr. Xi. In January 2013, a Beijing-based
company called Qinchuan Dadi Investment Company sold its 50 percent stake
in an investment firm to a company founded by Mr. Xiao for at least $2.4
million, the same value the Xi relatives bought it at, according to a person
familiar with the deal.
据一名知情人士透露，后来，也就是2013年1月，肖建华共同创建的一家公司与国家主
席习近平的亲属达成交易：北京的秦川大地投资公司以至少1500万元人民币的价格将其
在另一家投资公司的50%股份出售给肖建华创立的这家企业，与习近平亲属当初的收购
价持平。
At the time, Qinchuan was owned, through several other firms, by the Chinese
president’s sister, Qi Qiaoqiao, and her husband, Deng Jiagui, according
to corporate records. The deal was announced six months after Bloomberg News
reported that Mr. Xi’s relatives held assets worth more than $300 million.
公司记录显示，当时，习近平的姐姐齐桥桥及姐夫邓家贵通过其他几家企业拥有秦川大
地投资公司。这笔交易宣布的时间，是在彭博社有关习近平亲属资产的报道问世六个月
后。彭博称，这一资产价值超过3亿美元（约合18.7亿元人民币）。
And in 2012, when Digital Domain, the Hollywood visual effects studio co-
founded by the film director James Cameron, was sold for $30 million to a
Chinese film company, the financing came from Mr. Xiao and a Hong Kong
company controlled by Che Feng, the son-in-law of China’s former central
bank chief, Dai Xianglong, according to people involved in the deal.
2012年，一家中国影视公司以3000万美元的出价收购了由电影导演詹姆斯·卡梅隆(
James Cameron)参与创建的好莱坞特效公司数字领域(Digital Domain)。据知情人士透
露，收购资金来自肖建华，以及一家由车峰控制的香港公司。车峰是中国人民银行前行
长戴相龙的女婿。
Through his spokeswoman, Mr. Xiao acknowledged that companies he had
invested in or partly controlled were involved in the deals but said that he
was not the decision-maker and only became aware of the deals after they
were completed.
通过发言人，肖建华承认，他投资或部分控制的公司参与了这些交易，但也表示，他并
不是决策者，而是在交易完成后才得知此事。
While those three deals have never been publicly disclosed, Mr. Xiao did
gain some notoriety in China. The magazine Caixin, for instance, reported in
late 2012 that Mr. Xiao was working behind the scenes with a Thai
conglomerate, the Charoen Pokphand Group, to acquire a $9 billion stake in
the Chinese insurer Ping An with financing from several state banks in the
north, in possible violation of rules that bar the use of bank loans in
acquiring a stake in a Chinese insurance firm.
虽然这三笔交易从未被公开披露，但肖建华在中国的确有点名声不佳。例如，财新《新
世纪》周刊在2012年底报道，肖建华在幕后与泰国正大集团（在中国以外称为卜蜂集团
[Charoen Pokphand Group]）合作，试图购买中国平安保险公司价值90亿美元的股份，
而收购资金由几家北方的国有银行提供。这可能违反了相关规定——银行贷款不得用于
收购中国保险公司的股份。
A spokeswoman said Mr. Xiao eventually decided not to participate in the
Ping An deal and expressed frustration that he was portrayed in the news
media as a secretive, predatory deal-maker. (Through an affiliate, Mr. Xiao
had earlier acquired a stake in Ping An.)
发言人表示，肖建华最终决定不参与收购平安股份的交易，并对新闻媒体将他描绘成神
秘而贪婪的生意人表示不满。（之前，肖建华曾通过旗下的一家公司收购了平安的部分
股份。）
Now, Mr. Xiao, eager to improve his image, has quietly made public his
intention to give much of his wealth away.
现在，急于改善自身形象的肖建华，在低调地表明想要捐出大部分财产的意愿。
He has donated more than $50 million to China’s two leading universities,
Peking University and Tsinghua University. And recently, he pledged to
donate $10 million to Harvard. That is where Wang Dan, who was exiled to the
United States after serving a prison term in China, earned his Ph.D.
肖建华已经向中国两大高校——北京大学和清华大学——共捐赠了3亿元人民币。最近
，他还承诺向哈佛大学(Harvard University)捐赠1000万美元。这所大学，正好就是王
丹在中国服刑后，流亡美国期间获得博士学位的地方。
傅才德(Michael Forsythe)是《纽约时报》记者。
© The New York Times Company | q******r
发帖数: 6542 | 2 “趋奉权贵”“银行买办”“据熟人说”“许多普通民众相信”。。。这么像大纪元的
风格。 | z**********e
发帖数: 22064 | 3 很遗憾，这是共狗们一贯追捧的“从不造谣”的纽约时报。
为什么共狗说它“从不造谣”呢？
因为温家宝干掉了红歌星薄熙来，而它揭露了温家宝的27亿。
如果27亿不是造谣，那么习近平家族官商勾结，也不是造谣。
这个肖建华之所以迅速发迹，就是因为它的公司里有习家的股份。
【在 q******r 的大作中提到】
: “趋奉权贵”“银行买办”“据熟人说”“许多普通民众相信”。。。这么像大纪元的
: 风格。
| q******r
发帖数: 6542 | 4 我不是共狗，也不相信他们的判断。是不是谣言我不知道，行文不列数字摆事实，道听
途说捕风捉影添油加醋主观臆测，跟大纪元就没什么两样。
【在 z**********e 的大作中提到】
: 很遗憾，这是共狗们一贯追捧的“从不造谣”的纽约时报。
: 为什么共狗说它“从不造谣”呢？
: 因为温家宝干掉了红歌星薄熙来，而它揭露了温家宝的27亿。
: 如果27亿不是造谣，那么习近平家族官商勾结，也不是造谣。
: 这个肖建华之所以迅速发迹，就是因为它的公司里有习家的股份。
| z**********e
发帖数: 22064 | 5 你是说，27亿是“捕风捉影”、“添油加醋”、“主观臆测”？
【在 q******r 的大作中提到】
: 我不是共狗，也不相信他们的判断。是不是谣言我不知道，行文不列数字摆事实，道听
: 途说捕风捉影添油加醋主观臆测，跟大纪元就没什么两样。
| q******r
发帖数: 6542 | 6 我就事论事，说的是这篇文章。你要是理解能力差，或是喜欢转移焦点，我也没办法。
【在 z**********e 的大作中提到】
: 你是说，27亿是“捕风捉影”、“添油加醋”、“主观臆测”？
| B******u
发帖数: 23763 | 7 这篇文章显然的屁股决定脑袋。
89这事，试图在军队行动前让学生撤离广场，显然是最好的选择了，在这里反而成为了
罪状。
明天集团，我就有同学在里面哈。
to
the
【在 z**********e 的大作中提到】
: http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20140604/c04elite/print/dual/
: New York Times ChinaFor One Tiananmen-Era Student, a Very Different Path to
: Power
: By DAVID BARBOZA and MICHAEL FORSYTHE June 04, 2014
: DAVID BARBOZA, 傅才德 2014年06月04日
: BEIJING — A few days after the crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests
: 25 years ago, the Chinese government filled the airwaves with a list of the
: 21 most wanted student leaders accused of stirring up an antigovernment
: rebellion. At the top of the list was a 20-year-old student at Peking
: University named Wang Dan, who set up an unofficial student union to
| B******u
发帖数: 23763 | 8 你很有轮子的逻辑，赞一个。
【在 z**********e 的大作中提到】
: 很遗憾，这是共狗们一贯追捧的“从不造谣”的纽约时报。
: 为什么共狗说它“从不造谣”呢？
: 因为温家宝干掉了红歌星薄熙来，而它揭露了温家宝的27亿。
: 如果27亿不是造谣，那么习近平家族官商勾结，也不是造谣。
: 这个肖建华之所以迅速发迹，就是因为它的公司里有习家的股份。
| B******u
发帖数: 23763 | 9 从轮子逻辑看，只要和政府站一起的，都是敌人，
只要是敌人，都得搞臭。
【在 q******r 的大作中提到】
: 我就事论事，说的是这篇文章。你要是理解能力差，或是喜欢转移焦点，我也没办法。
| t*******3
发帖数: 734 | 10 我没看。估计是轮子的狗文。
to
the
【在 z**********e 的大作中提到】
: http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20140604/c04elite/print/dual/
: New York Times ChinaFor One Tiananmen-Era Student, a Very Different Path to
: Power
: By DAVID BARBOZA and MICHAEL FORSYTHE June 04, 2014
: DAVID BARBOZA, 傅才德 2014年06月04日
: BEIJING — A few days after the crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests
: 25 years ago, the Chinese government filled the airwaves with a list of the
: 21 most wanted student leaders accused of stirring up an antigovernment
: rebellion. At the top of the list was a 20-year-old student at Peking
: University named Wang Dan, who set up an unofficial student union to
| d**e
发帖数: 4304 | 11 分类讨论区 - 校友联谊 - 北京大学版
lz看见校友“联谊”没？专版专用，再叽叽歪歪70天伺候 | s******n
发帖数: 459 | 12 http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20140605/cc05xiao/
明天集团针对时报报道发表声明
《纽约时报》刊出有关肖建华及明天集团的报道后，明天集团发言人余兰针对该文发
表声明，以下为声明全文：
郑重声明
2014年6月3日，纽约时报发表了题为《A Tiananmen-Era Student Rejected Activism
for Capital》的文章，其中关于明天集团及肖建华先生的有关报道有严重失实之处。
明天集团发言人余兰女士特此郑重声明如下：
一、肖先生及明天集团的发展完全是白手起家、勤奋努力投资的结果。
1、肖先生及明天集团的发展完全是白手起家、勤奋努力投资的结果，与“八九事件”
没有任何关系，没有所谓的北京大学资助了肖先生“八九事件”中的表现的回报(
rewards)。1989年肖先生只有18岁，面对复杂的事件，肖先生和学校尽最大的努力使学
生活动在法制的轨道上进行，避免悲剧。当一批同学活动越来越激进时，肖先生感到无
能为力，从而转入图书馆学习为主，这也是当时一批同学的做法，肖先生并没有因这个
举动而获得北京大学任何支持。文章中也承认肖先生是做HP、IBM等电脑代理创业，逐
步积累。北京大学在八九事件后没有给任何企业家支持，这当然包括肖先生。
2、“八九事件”后肖先生感到政治活动复杂，党内精英人才众多，他通过学习沃伦巴
菲特商界道路，感到从商可能更符合自己的性格。从此以后,肖先生彻底远离政治，一
心一意做企业和投资，以集团战略委员会主席的身份不断学习沃伦巴菲特的理论，从而
有了不少成绩。商业的成功更坚定了肖先生一心从商远离政治的决心。肖先生本身是北
京大学法律系毕业，合规、合法、合理是肖先生一贯投资的最高准则。现在中国许多高
层反腐案件肖先生都没有涉及参与其中，也间接证明了这一点。肖先生现在更把远离政
治、合规合法作为集团企业文化而加以培育和引导。
3、肖先生作为沃伦巴菲特理论的忠实学生，一向以一种自由的研究角色判断股市大势
，投资国内外市场。他深刻体会到巴菲特理论的正确性，通过市场化，通过完全合法合
规的投资方式走向成功。至于他投资金融机构,完全是类似巴菲特投资Wells Fargo，只
是财务投资，并不介入企业管理，就像现在互联网PE投资一样，都是不需要政府关系就
能参与的投资。就如许多中国企业家入股民生银行一样，都是通过市场化的财务投资而
获得了丰厚回报，和政治没有任何关系。
二、文中对几笔交易的描述前后自相矛盾，与事实严重不符。
1、关于秦川大地公司转让股权事宜，文中一方面说秦川大地公司股东转让价格和当时
他们入股价格一致，也就是说秦川大地公司股东从这笔交易中并没有获得任何利益。但
是，纽约时报却在文中指称明天集团的相关公司进行了利益输送。既然没有任何利益，
又何来利益输送!
明天集团及肖先生再次声明，明天集团并没有介入这笔生意，也没有和秦川大地公司的
股东就此进行过任何交流。文中提到的明天集团相关公司早已被集团转让，此交易和肖
先生及明天集团完全无关。经过明天集团律师就此交易咨询秦川大地公司及相关各方，
得出事实如下：
秦川大地公司股东自从文中所声称的布隆伯格(Bloomberg News)的报道之后，股东为了
家人，自动退出其辛苦创业合法经营的商业项目，退出的项目基本和投入等价或者承受
了较大损失。因此可证明，其股东并没有利用家庭影响而赚取任何额外商业利益。
秦川大地公司股东当时投资入股企业没有利用任何政府关系或者家庭关系，完全是自主
合法的商业行为，退出过程也是完全合法合规的，根本没有涉及任何利益输送。纽约时
报提到的这笔转让，转让价格就和当时股东入股的原始价格一致；等价退出本身就造成
了秦川大地公司股东很大的机会成本损失。
2、关于明天科技公司和北京昭德公司的交易
明天科技是一家上市公司，所有行为都由股东大会和董事会决定，均是市场行为。上市
公司收购昭德公司后，这笔投资让明天科技作为一家上市公司获利巨大。如果从昭德公
司原有股东的角度出发，如果不把股权出售给明天科技，其获得的商业盈利会更大。因
此，这完全是一笔正常合法的交易，根本没有明天科技向北京昭德公司输送利益之实。
3、关于数字王国交易
在此笔交易中明天集团相关企业和车峰先生只是共同投资关系，同股同价，因此也谈不
上利益输送。如果按纽约时报分析，那么全世界所有类似的共同投资者，包括共同基金
都有利益输送之嫌！更何况这是一笔很小的投资，肖先生从未和车峰先生讨论过此笔投
资。
以上三笔交易报纸用了许多文字试图说明肖先生和上述股东有利益输送之嫌，但稍微加
以分析就会看出,报纸的许多结论是自相矛盾的，与事实严重不符。还有文中提到的其
他几笔交易也都与事实不符，在此不一一批驳。
纽约时报把一个民营企业集团艰苦创业的历史描述成因“八九事件”没有参与激进运动
而获得的政府回报，把一些符合商业原则的正常合规交易扣上了利益输送的帽子，这部
分表述不仅有违事实，也严重违背媒体的客观性。
明天集团及肖建华先生要求纽约时报对其报道中的失实部分收回并作出更正。同时且请
其他媒体切勿引用上述失实报导。但是对于纽约时报报道中尊重事实的部分，明天集团
充分尊重纽约时报报道的自由和权利。
特此声明。
明天集团发言人余兰女士
2014年6月4日 | p*******g
发帖数: 660 | 13 读了这么多年书，考了鸡拖，小心工作混身份，啥成就没有，愧对“白手起家、勤奋努
力”八个字啊，呵呵 |
|
