s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 1 去年修教育系一门课的时候写了这份课程报告，和OCEF主要义工分享过，现在新版成立
，就贴出来抛砖引玉，和大家分享，并请大家指正 ：）
本报告结论只代表个人观点，不代表OCEF组织观点。
中文概要
报告参考了近十年来的相关研究，对中国乡村基础教育的现状进行了初步的研究和思考
。报告包括入学率、教育质量、学校管理和资金，以及教育平等几大方面。
主要结论：
1、乡村小学生入学率极大提高，入学问题基本得到解决
2、少数仍无法入学的学生，以少数民族地区和少数民族学生为主
3、教育质量目前是乡村基础教育最严重的问题，表现在硬件和软件的缺乏和落后，特
别是教师力量薄弱、人员老化，缺少必要培训，无法满足课程改革的需求，直接影响了
教育质量
4、乡村学校资金投入以本级政府为主，中央支持极少或无，导致经济落后地区教育更
落后的恶性循环
对OCEF工作方向的启示：
1、考虑侧重支持少数民族地区和少数民族学生，提供助学金、奖学金等，在支持上学
的同时，考虑支持保护民族文化和语言
2、对教育质量的改善加大投入，除了加强现有的图书馆项目，考虑与其他组织和机构
合作，为乡村教师培训提供更多支持 | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 2 1. Introduction
China’s transition to a market-based economy has created new problems, one
of which is the growing inequality in per capita income between urban and
rural areas. Especially in China's western areas, challenges for rural
poverty alleviation and development are daunting. Despite significant and
long lasting efforts by the central and local governments to alleviate
poverty, inequality in income and asset distribution between rural settings
and urban centers, as well as between Western provinces and the other parts
of the country, persist (World Bank, 2010). Achieving balanced growth so as
to reduce regional disparities and the rural-urban divide is one of the
major challenges that China faces. Some scholars argue that education is a
critical tool for empowering of rural people and are fundamental means of
poverty reduction. The vicious cycle of poverty and illiteracy in rural
areas strongly indicates the need for a closer look at the linkage of
education to rural transformation for sustainable development.
This paper investigates the particular characteristics and challenges facing
the primary education in rural China in the backdrop of urban-rural divide
in China. It aims at increasing knowledge and enhancing understanding in
this particular area. It provides a brief overview of the historical
development of primary education in rural China and describes its state and
trends. Unique challenges and opportunities are identified and policy
recommendations are provided.
1.1 Context of rural China
The issue of rising or declining inequality among urban and rural China has
been debated extensively in recent years. In three decades of market-
oriented reforms, China has been one of the world’s fastest-growing
economies. However, China’s transition to a market-based economy has
created new problems, among which is the growing inequality in economic
development between the more developed and urbanized coastal provinces and
the underdeveloped interior and largely rural provinces. For example, the
gap between the most developed province, Zhejiang, with an annual growth
rate of 12.5%, and the least developed, Qinghai, is 7.1 percentage points (D
′emurger 2000).
The regional development pattern of China shows strong spatial clustering
tendency. Economic activities mainly cluster in eastern coastal regions. The
seven highest amounts of GDP per square kilometer respectively belong to
Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Shandong and Guangdong, with
the three municipalities topping the first three. The Yangtze River Delta,
Pearl River Delta and Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Circle are the main economic-
activity-clustering regions of China. The nation’s economic growth forms a
gradient gradually diminishing from east to west. Great disparities exist
among the east, central and west Areas. The five provinces with lowest
amounts of GDP per square kilometer are respectively Tibet, Qinghai,
Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and Gansu, which are located in west China (Zhang
2008).
As D’emurger (2000) argues, such alarming disparities of economic growth in
urban China and rural China highlights the necessity to achieve balanced
growth so as to reduce those disparities. It appears to be one of the major
policy challenges that China now faces in order to maintain both its current
rapid growth rate and social stability.
1.2 History of primary education in rural China
Education has an increasingly important role to play in ameliorating or
exacerbating rural-urban inequality in China. A person’s access to
education had begun to matter a lot for his or her lifetime economic
security. According to Hannum et al (2008), returns to education in urban
China have been rising since the onset of the market reform period in the
late 1970s with returns nearly tripling during the period 1992 to 2003,
rising from 4.0 to 11.4 percent. In rural areas, by the year 2000, an
additional year of education increased wages by 6.4 percent among those
engaged in wage employment. In rural China, education is becoming the
dominant factor that determines whether rural laborers are successful in
finding better paying off-farm jobs (Hannum et al, 2008).
One cannot understand the history of education in China without
understanding the evolution of political agenda of the Chinese government.
Since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949, the Chinese
government has sought to construct an education policy agenda that promotes
economic prosperity while remaining consistent with the socialist ideal of
establishing an equitable society. Economic scarcity has dictated that
policies designed to promote rapid economic development compete directly for
resources with policies designed to expand social opportunities to
traditionally disadvantaged groups. Changing fortunes of leftist and more
moderate players in the political arena have brought repeated shifts in the
relative importance assigned to economic and social goals. The philosophical
underpinnings of educational policies have reflected these shifts,
alternating between a socialist egalitarian model of education and a liberal
competitive model. Education policies of the early years reflected attempts
from radical left-wing and more moderate camps to combine the goals of
socialism with the need for economic development (Hannum, 1999).
Since the inception of the open-door policy and economic reform in 1978,
educational policy reforms have revolved around perceptions that educational
quality was a serious problem at all levels and central administration of
education was too rigid. As a result, a complex hierarchy of programs
varying in length, quality, curriculum, and financial base supplanted the
previous simple structure of the Cultural Revolution education system. The
exam-based system of progression abolished during the Cultural Revolution
was reinstated. The Chinese government started to designate thousands of key
-point schools across the country. By 1981, there were 4,016 key-point
schools in China. Primarily located in urban areas, these schools enjoyed a
national funding priority commensurate with their mandate to produce highly
trained graduates capable of passing college entrance exams (Hannum, 1999).
While urban schools started to enjoy national funding priority coupled with
support of stronger local economy, in contrast, responsibility for the
administration and finance of basic education in rural areas was delegated
to the township and county levels. Rising direct costs for educating
children associated with decentralization of finance to local areas were
matched by rising opportunity costs associated with the widespread adoption
of for-profit family farming in the early 1980s (Hannum, 1999).
Education policy statements in the early and mid-1980s acknowledged urban-
rural and regional economic disparities, linking implementation of a 9-year
cycle of compulsory education to economic development levels. Cities and
economically developed areas in the coastal provinces and some parts of the
interior, where one-quarter of the population resides, were expected to
universalize 9-year compulsory education by 1990. Semi-developed areas, home
to about half of China's population, were to achieve the same goal by 1995.
Underdeveloped regions that were home to the remaining quarter of the
population were expected to expand elementary education without a target
date set for universalizing lower secondary education. The curriculum for
rural areas, which increasingly focused on providing suitable training for
students who would not progress further upon graduation from primary, middle
, and high schools, reflected a declining priority on urban-rural equity.
The inferior quality of rural schools and their increasingly vocational and
technical orientation placed barriers in the path of academic routes to
status attainment; promising rural primary students were largely blocked
from transferring to urban schools (Hannum, 1999). | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 3 2. State and Trends in Primary Education of Rural China
2.1 Accessibility
There has been much recent outcry over growing disparities in the
accessibility of rural education in China. As of year-end 2000, China had
440,284 rural primary schools with an enrollment of over 85 million children
, accounting for 65 percent of all primary school students and nearly half
of all enrolled students at all levels of schooling (NSB, 2001). Access to
high quality primary education in rural China thus has direct implications
for the future welfare of millions of Chinese citizens as well as for China
’s national development goals. This is especially so in light of the
rapidly rising returns to education in China’s increasingly globalized
economy and a large body of international evidence on the high returns to
primary education in particular (Park et al, 2003).
Some scholars argue that the economic reforms of the 1980s accompanied a
series of educational policies that seriously curtailed access to the
education attainment for the large proportion of China's children who reside
in rural areas (Hannum, 1999). The numbers of schools, teachers, and
students in rural areas, especially above the elementary level, grew
significantly in the late 1970s but then declined subsequently (see Table 1)
. The reasons for such reduction are mainly attributed to the diminishing
financial resources for rural areas resulted from the market-oriented
economic reforms and decentralization. Such trends have increased the
private costs of schooling and tightened the links between local area
revenues and the provision of schooling.
Studies have found that the promotion of economic goals for education
associated with market reforms in China came at the cost of an equitable
distribution of opportunities across the urban-rural boundary. Changes in
educational finance, structures, and curriculum attributable to the change
in policy orientation dating from the late 1970s increased the barriers to
social mobility for rural children, both relative to urban children and in
absolute terms. Following a decade in which leftist educational philosophies
dominated, policy makers reverted to a pattern of espousing liberal
educational ideals while, facing economic pressures, curtailing the
opportunities available to rural children. Declines in education in rural
areas after 1978 when market reforms were initiated signaled a disturbing
trend toward increasing urban-rural inequality in the education attainment.
Hannum (1999) found that among rural males at the primary level, there were
relatively steady improvements across successive cohorts through the 1971
attainment rate of 96.5 percent, which represented 97.4 percent of the urban
rate. The rate is stable in subsequent years. Among rural females, we
observe dramatic relative and absolute improvements through the 1954 cohort,
among whom nearly 62 percent attained a primary level of education, and
again for the cohorts reaching the typical age of primary entrance in the
1960s. In subsequent years, improvements continued at a moderated pace, with
the rate for rural women lagging significantly below that of urban women.
Among 16- year-olds in 1990, almost one in 10 rural females had not attained
a primary level of education, compared to less than two in 100 urban women
of the same age (Hannum, 1999). | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 4 2.2 Quality of Primary Education
The quality of primary education in rural China has been a major concern. A
recent study by Wang and Li (2009) compares the quality of primary education
of rural schools with urban schools in western China. They find that there
is a big gap between the quality of rural and urban primary education (Table
2). They argue that the main reason for such discrepancy lies in the
difference in teachers, as teachers in rural schools are poorly trained with
little access to professional development and support.
Another research by Park and Hannum (2002) supports their position. Based
on their survey of 2000 children aged 9-12 and their families in rural areas
of 20 counties in Gansu Province, one of the poorest provinces of China,
Park and Hannum infer that much of the variation in test scores is likely
due to teacher differences. They find that for math scores, higher teacher
quality rankings substantially increases test scores. For language scores,
the effects do not appear to interact with years taught, but the average
effects of the highest teacher rank is very substantial.
It is generally agreed by scholars that the quality of rural school teachers
is relatively low compared with urban schools. Many of them do not possess
sufficient credentials. The rural teacher population is aging, resulting in
outdated teaching methods and ineffective teaching. At the same time, good
teachers tend to leave rural schools for better-paying teaching jobs in
towns and cities. Further, due to budget and location constraints, very few
rural teachers have the opportunity or resources to participate in teaching
training. This exacerbates the situation where demands for quality teaching
increases to meet the higher standards imposed by curriculum reforms
demanded by the Education Ministry. Further, extreme inadequacy of teaching
equipment and supplies exists in rural schools. It is reported that only
half of the schools in rural China have laboratories, the majority of which
are inadequately equipped and extremely underutilized. School buildings are
of low quality. Large numbers of school buildings in remote rural areas do
not meet safety standards while they are still in use.
To address the quality problem, a program was launched to explore the
possibility of concentrating limited resources on a smaller number of
schools in the rural area, thus improving quality of education. It was out
of this thinking that education officials enacted a new program called the
School Merger Program in 2001. The School Merger Program has created
turbulence in rural China. As soon as the merger policy was enacted, it
quickly was extended throughout the country. Each provincial government was
charged to set up a primary school merger plan. Different provinces (and the
counties below them) took different approaches. For example, according a
set of guidelines developed by the education bureau in a county in Henan
province, local officials were supposed to begin to merge schools by the
following criteria: a.) schools that have less than 20 students per grade,
on average, are to be merged; b.) several neighboring villages that have a
combined population of up to 8 000 are allowed to retain one primary school;
and c.) the number of primary schools should be cut from 238 to 141. Such
decisions are often made arbitrarily without thoughtful assessment or due
diligence (Liu et al, 2009).
Despite a perception that is commonly found in the Chinese literature and
the press, according to the study by Liu et al (2009) there is little effect
of the process of merging itself on the overall academic performance of the
students from merger schools. Based on the results, it may be concluded
that since there is no measurable effect of primary school merger on the
overall academic performance of students. | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 5 2.3 Administration and Financing
This section examines the state and trends in administration and financing
in schools in rural China. Fiscal decentralization has been a key feature of
China’s economic reform, leading to the devolution of responsibilities
over both revenue collection and public expenditures to lower levels of
government—the province, county, township, and village. While a
decentralized system improves incentives for local governments to generate
revenues and to be responsive to local needs, it hampers efforts to meet
goals of distributional equity. Given overall budget scarcity, Park et al (
2003) argue that this has led to increasing inequity in the provision of
public goods and services across regions through much of the reform period.
In many poor areas, in particular, the lack of local government revenues or
subsidies from upper levels of government has led to a fiscal crisis which
has prevented local governments even from meeting salary obligations to
government officials and teachers, let alone enabling them to finance high
quality public services such as education (Park et al, 2003).
Beginning in 1988, the Chinese government also promoted the diversification
of educational financing, with the state budget as the main source,
supplemented by a variety of avenues for channeling financial resources
towards education. Formalized into law in 1995 (Article 53 of Education Law)
, this reform in part was a response to the growing scarcity of fiscal
resources, which made diversification attractive as a way to stabilize
educational financing.
These changes have had a pronounced effect on the equity of public
educational expenditures, typically one of the largest budgetary items of
local governments. The highest provincial primary educational expenditures
per student, in Shanghai, are now ten times greater than the lowest, and
this ratio has roughly doubled in the past decade. Case studies in specific
regions have found very large differences in educational expenditures within
provinces, and even within counties. The government itself has recognized
the policy importance of reversing these trends, and especially in the late
1990s has allocated targeted funds to reduce growing inequities and
emphasized the importance of paying teachers’ wages and reducing excessive
local fees and other farmer burdens. There is little evidence about the
effects of these more recent initiatives (Park et al, 2003).
Table 3 summarizes changes in the sources and uses of rural primary school
funds in China for the years 1993, 1997, and 2000. Interestingly, many of
the trends from 1993 to 1997 are reversed from 1997 to 2000. The importance
of government within-budget finance in total rural primary school financing
fell from 60.4 percent in 1993 to 55.8 percent 1997, but increased to 66.5
percent in 2000. The initial fall is in line with diversification of
financing sources, while the reversal after 1997 may reflect increased
government commitment to paying teachers adequate salaries and reducing
excessive local fees and extractions. Educational fees had grown from 14.1
percent in 1993 to 16.8 percent in 1997, but then fell to 12.4 percent in
2000. The category that fell most sharply was community and collective
contributions, which dropped from 11.3 percent in 1997 to only 3.5 percent
in 2000. Such contributions were often made mandatory and their reduction
may have been part of an attempt to reduce farmers burdens, which received
considerable attention in the late 1990s (Bernstein and Lu, 2002). The share
of school-generated funds also fell by half, from 2.7 percent in 1997 to 1.
4 percent in 2000, and the share of other government finance also virtually
disappeared by 2000. This suggests that the move to diversification codified
in 1993 had reversed sharply from 1997 to 2000 (Park et al, 2003). | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 6 2.4 Equity in Primary Education
Recent research shows that the level of education in rural and urban areas
is increasing rapidly, and that a large majority of urban and rural
compulsory age children are now enrolled. Among the few children who remain
locked out of access to compulsory education, the vast majority are rural;
minority children and children in western regions are disproportionately
represented; and girls are slightly overrepresented. Our investigation of
secondary age children shows that as rural access to secondary level
schooling has risen, so has urban access, such that a substantial rural
penalty persists. There are significant geographic and ethnic disparities in
the level of rural access, and in the rural-urban gap. The specific
educational penalty for living in a rural area varies across regions,
particularly at the secondary level. Moreover, our census analyses indicate
that on average, the educational penalty for living in a rural area is
substantially greater for minorities than for Han, and somewhat greater for
girls than for boys, at both the compulsory and secondary ages (Hannum et al
, 2008).
Specifically, Hannum et al (2008) find that ethnicity has a significant
impact on equity. Table 5 shows that rural minorities are highly
disadvantaged in enrollment rates. For example, at the compulsory ages,
about 77 percent of rural minority girls are enrolled, and at the secondary
ages, about 48 percent are enrolled. These numbers compare to about 92
percent for urban minority girls ages 7 to 16, and about 74 percent for
urban minority girls ages 13 to 18. Multivariate analyses confirm the
disadvantaged position of minorities, overall and show that there is a
significant interaction with rural residence, such that the difference in
educational opportunities associated with urban versus rural origins is
substantially greater for minorities than for the Han. Finally, the census
data shows that, on average, rural residence has a somewhat more negative
impact for girls than for boys, in both age groups.
The study also finds that the vast majority of the few children who are
excluded from the primary education are rural (90 percent). Minorities are
strongly overrepresented among excluded children: they are just 10 percent
of the general population, but 56 percent of the children excluded. Girls
are somewhat overrepresented for both definitions of exclusion, relative to
their share in the population. The southwest and northwest regions are quite
overrepresented: 8 percent of children live in the northwest, but 22
percent of primary exclusions are in the northwest. The southwest is where
the differences are most striking: this region is home to 14 percent of
children, 51 percent of primary exclusions (Hannum et al, 2008). | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 7 3. Challenges and Opportunities
The state and trends discussed in the previous section paints a mixed
picture of the primary education in rural China. While significant progress
has been made, especially after year 2000, great disparities between urban
and rural schools exist in China and the task to bridge the gap is daunting.
It is often argued by scholars that financing of schools directly impact
the quality and equity of schools.
Researches attest to notable successes in raising access to education in
rural areas—a trend that will bring important benefits to rural society via
improved literacy and numeracy skills. From an absolutist perspective, the
trend in access for rural students in recent decades is unambiguously
positive. However, as Hannum et al (2008) argue, their analyses of the China
Health and Nutrition Survey yielded no evidence of a significant narrowing
of the rural urban gap in enrollment or years of schooling attained by youth
, and the analyses of enrollment in the 2000 census confirmed penalties for
rural residence. A similar insight of absolute improvements and persisting
inequalities emerges from our discussion of exclusion. The numbers excluded
from education have dropped precipitously; this is an accomplishment that
must not be minimized. However, exclusion from education prior to attaining
compulsory education continues to exist, and is almost entirely a rural
problem. Moreover, exclusion falls disproportionately on rural minority
children, in the poor western regions of the country. Assuring basic
educational access in poor rural areas should be a focus of intense
government activity (Hannum et al, 2008).
Disparities in educational spending and school quality in rural China are
another aspect that demand attention. As Park et al (2003) contend, based on
their analyses on data from 1993 to 2000 provincial and county-level
inequality in rural primary school expenditures per student did not change
appreciably, with a slight increase in provincial inequality. While
inequality in school spending among schools in the same county is not great,
while inequalities among counties in the same province are substantial, and
inequality across provinces even greater still. This suggests that
equalization of resources is more difficult at higher administrative levels
is more difficult, suggesting an important role for national government
leadership (Park et al, 2003).
The empirical evidence also suggests that diversification and
decentralization did result in increases in non-budgetary revenue sources
and greater spending on operational expenses from 1993 to 1997, but that
this trend was reversed sharply by 2000. School-level data from 2000 in
Gansu show that the level non budgetary revenue, recurrent operational
expenditures, and infrastructure construction have a strong positive
association with income per capita levels, exacerbating inequality. In
contrast, personnel expenditures per student and budgetary expenditures in
general tend to be more equitably distributed across schools. Greater
restrictions on alternative school funding sources, thus may reduce overall
inequity, but could exacerbate inequality in operating expenditures and make
it difficult for schools in poor areas to fund minimum-level operating
costs (e.g., school supplies) that could affect the quality of learning in
schools. While there are indications from the data and from announced recent
initiatives that the Chinese government is playing a more prominent role in
equalizing educational resources across regions, the gaps remain large and
merit priority attention (Park et al, 2003). | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 8 4. Recommendations
Based on the review the state and trends, as well as the assessment on
primary education in Rural China, following recommendations are made to
improve access, quality, efficiency, and equity.
1) Promote equitable development of primary education in rural China through
equitable distribution of resources by both the central and local
governments. The central government should play a more active role in
increasing its support for poor areas.
2) The central government should abort the key-point school designation
program in primary schools, so that resources can be allocated equitably and
students can be granted equal access to quality schools and national
resources.
3) Reconsider the School Merging Program to fully understand its impact on
accessibility and quality of education on rural students. Assistance and
subsidies should be provided to students that negatively impacted by school
mergers.
4) Stabilize and enhance teaching quality in rural China. Both central and
local governments should provide financial and other incentives to retain
quality rural teachers. Provide incentives to encourage college graduates to
teach in rural areas. Provide training and assistance for rural teachers to
update their knowledge base and upgrade their teaching skills.
5) The central government should further increase financial support for
rural areas. Governments on all levels should coordinate and compliment each
other in financing primary education in rural areas. Diverse funding
sources should be explored and mobilized, such as funding from domestic
grassroots non-profit organizations and international foundations.
6) Implement initiatives to address problems of rural poverty that partly
address the barriers faced by rural minorities. Particularly, policy
attention should be targeted towards minority areas, and to advance the
interests of historically disadvantaged ethnic groups. Specifically, policy
makers should support increased protection of language rights and subsidies
for minority students. | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 9 References:
Author Unknown. Reflections on primary education in rural China. Accessed
November 19, 2010.
< http://www.mianfeilunwen.com/Jiaoyu/JiChu/16846.html>
Author Unknown. State, issues and strategies on primary education in rural
China. Accessed November 19, 2010. < http://www.mianfeilunwen.com/Jiaoyu/JiChu/16846.html>
D′emurger, Sylvie. 2001. Infrastructure Development and Economic Growth: An
Explanation for Regional Disparities in China? Journal of Comparative
Economics 29, 95–117 (2001)
Hannum, Emily. (1999) Political Change and the Urban-Rural Gap in Basic
Education in China, 1949-1990. Comparative Education Review, Vol. 43, No. 2
(May, 1999), pp. 193-211
Hannum, Emily, Meiyan Wang and Jennifer Adams. (2008) “Urban-Rural
Disparities in Access to Primary and Secondary Education Under Market Reform
.” In One Country, Two Societies? Rural-Urban Inequality in Contemporary
China, edited by Martin King Whyte. Harvard University Press.
He, Lining and Duchin, Faye. (2007). Regional Development in China:
Interregional Transportation Infrastructure and Regional Comparative
Advantage. Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Working Papers in Economics.
Liu，Chengfeng, Linxiu Zhang，Renfu Luo and Scott Rozelle. (2009). The
Effect of Primary School Mergers on Academic Performance of
Students in Rural China. Rural Education Action Project, Standford
University, Working Paper 205, September 2009
Park, Albert and Hannum, Emily. (2002). Do Teachers Affect Learning in
Developing Countries?:
Evidence from Matched Student-Teacher Data from China. Working Paper.
University of Michigan.
Park, Albert, Wen Li, and Sangui Wang. (2003) School Equity in Rural China.
Paper prepared for the International Conference on Chinese Education,
Teachers College, Columbia University.
Wang, Jiayi and Li, Ying. (2009). Research on the teaching quality of
compulsory education in China’s West rural schools. Higher Education Press
and Springer-Verlag 2009.
Zhang, Xueliang. (2008). Transport infrastructure, spatial spillover and
economic growth: Evidence from China. Front. Econ. China 2008, 3(4): 585–
597. | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | | | | c******r
发帖数: 3778 | 11 这个建议我要提反对意见：）
1、考虑侧重支持少数民族地区和少数民族学生，提供助学金、奖学金等，在支持上学
的同时，考虑支持保护民族文化和语言
xxx个人认为，只有民族融合才能长治久安。所谓支持和保护少数民族文化的结果无一
例外地都是人为制造了民族差别，扩大民族矛盾，最后都导致民族冲突。中国只有一种
官方语言，所有学校，不论民族，方言，这是唯一维系中国的最大特征。不能放弃中文
教育，不能放弃普通话教育。不论民族，不论种族，不论文化背景，不论性别，家庭环
境，收入状况，要一视同仁：）
2、对教育质量的改善加大投入，除了加强现有的图书馆项目，考虑与其他组织和机构
合作，为乡村教师培训提供更多支持。
xxx为教师提供培训是个不错的主意。怎么实现呢？能不能联系些搞教育学和各学科的
网友做义工，也联系一些国内有经验愿意帮忙的老师一起，编写一份《乡村教师》杂志
，专门给教师看？以讨论实用的教育方法，教育理论为主。和乡村少儿分开。
这样一本杂志给孩子，一本杂志给老师，怎么样？
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 去年修教育系一门课的时候写了这份课程报告，和OCEF主要义工分享过，现在新版成立
: ，就贴出来抛砖引玉，和大家分享，并请大家指正 ：）
: 本报告结论只代表个人观点，不代表OCEF组织观点。
: 中文概要
: 报告参考了近十年来的相关研究，对中国乡村基础教育的现状进行了初步的研究和思考
: 。报告包括入学率、教育质量、学校管理和资金，以及教育平等几大方面。
: 主要结论：
: 1、乡村小学生入学率极大提高，入学问题基本得到解决
: 2、少数仍无法入学的学生，以少数民族地区和少数民族学生为主
: 3、教育质量目前是乡村基础教育最严重的问题，表现在硬件和软件的缺乏和落后，特
| c******r
发帖数: 3778 | 12 美女你太牛了！
学教育的？
one
settings
parts
as
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 1. Introduction
: China’s transition to a market-based economy has created new problems, one
: of which is the growing inequality in per capita income between urban and
: rural areas. Especially in China's western areas, challenges for rural
: poverty alleviation and development are daunting. Despite significant and
: long lasting efforts by the central and local governments to alleviate
: poverty, inequality in income and asset distribution between rural settings
: and urban centers, as well as between Western provinces and the other parts
: of the country, persist (World Bank, 2010). Achieving balanced growth so as
: to reduce regional disparities and the rural-urban divide is one of the
| s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 13 谢谢院长批复，kaka
之所以有第一个建议，是因为研究表明目前还得不到基础教育的大多数是少数民族孩子
，因为和汉族孩子比起来，除了家庭经济原因，还有语言困难，双层困难，让他们受教
育难上加难。。
这只是我的个人建议，OCEF的助学标准还是以家庭贫困程度为依据的。
乡村教师培训有不少尝试，国内现在不少NGO也致力于这方面，OCEF已经开展的项目包
括资助乡村教师参加教学培训，等等。。乡村教师问题也是个非常大的问题，教师数量
严重不足，教师们负担又特别重。。但是对教师的投入又非常重要，因为他们可以让更
多的学生受益。。
【在 c******r 的大作中提到】
: 这个建议我要提反对意见：）
: 1、考虑侧重支持少数民族地区和少数民族学生，提供助学金、奖学金等，在支持上学
: 的同时，考虑支持保护民族文化和语言
: xxx个人认为，只有民族融合才能长治久安。所谓支持和保护少数民族文化的结果无一
: 例外地都是人为制造了民族差别，扩大民族矛盾，最后都导致民族冲突。中国只有一种
: 官方语言，所有学校，不论民族，方言，这是唯一维系中国的最大特征。不能放弃中文
: 教育，不能放弃普通话教育。不论民族，不论种族，不论文化背景，不论性别，家庭环
: 境，收入状况，要一视同仁：）
: 2、对教育质量的改善加大投入，除了加强现有的图书馆项目，考虑与其他组织和机构
: 合作，为乡村教师培训提供更多支持。
| a*********7
发帖数: 30080 | 14 很赞！可惜是英文的。。。
要不要大家一起，分工合作，翻成中文？
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 去年修教育系一门课的时候写了这份课程报告，和OCEF主要义工分享过，现在新版成立
: ，就贴出来抛砖引玉，和大家分享，并请大家指正 ：）
: 本报告结论只代表个人观点，不代表OCEF组织观点。
: 中文概要
: 报告参考了近十年来的相关研究，对中国乡村基础教育的现状进行了初步的研究和思考
: 。报告包括入学率、教育质量、学校管理和资金，以及教育平等几大方面。
: 主要结论：
: 1、乡村小学生入学率极大提高，入学问题基本得到解决
: 2、少数仍无法入学的学生，以少数民族地区和少数民族学生为主
: 3、教育质量目前是乡村基础教育最严重的问题，表现在硬件和软件的缺乏和落后，特
| a*********7
发帖数: 30080 | 15 办杂志给乡村教师这个主意好，不过要办得真正对他们有用也不容易啊
【在 c******r 的大作中提到】
: 这个建议我要提反对意见：）
: 1、考虑侧重支持少数民族地区和少数民族学生，提供助学金、奖学金等，在支持上学
: 的同时，考虑支持保护民族文化和语言
: xxx个人认为，只有民族融合才能长治久安。所谓支持和保护少数民族文化的结果无一
: 例外地都是人为制造了民族差别，扩大民族矛盾，最后都导致民族冲突。中国只有一种
: 官方语言，所有学校，不论民族，方言，这是唯一维系中国的最大特征。不能放弃中文
: 教育，不能放弃普通话教育。不论民族，不论种族，不论文化背景，不论性别，家庭环
: 境，收入状况，要一视同仁：）
: 2、对教育质量的改善加大投入，除了加强现有的图书馆项目，考虑与其他组织和机构
: 合作，为乡村教师培训提供更多支持。
| s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 16 表叫“美女”，咱们自家弟兄，怎么如此见外？ :P
我主要研究equitable development and community empowerment，教育是其中的一个
方面 ：）
【在 c******r 的大作中提到】
: 美女你太牛了！
: 学教育的？
:
: one
: settings
: parts
: as
| s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 17 嗯，我也觉得这个主意挺好的。。
【在 a*********7 的大作中提到】
: 办杂志给乡村教师这个主意好，不过要办得真正对他们有用也不容易啊
| c******r
发帖数: 3778 | 18
哈哈，你挖坑勤快，护坑利索，真是好坑啊。。。
正因为这个原因，所以要格外加强少数民族地区的普通话教育。要想改善经济环境，最
重要的是建立和外界特别是经济发达地区的巩固联系。这个联系的第一步就是语言。搞
少数民族语言教育，只会让他们越学越穷，越学越与外界隔离。要说全世界都在争学中
文，怎么在中国到反而不学中文呢？
你说是不是这个理？
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 谢谢院长批复，kaka
: 之所以有第一个建议，是因为研究表明目前还得不到基础教育的大多数是少数民族孩子
: ，因为和汉族孩子比起来，除了家庭经济原因，还有语言困难，双层困难，让他们受教
: 育难上加难。。
: 这只是我的个人建议，OCEF的助学标准还是以家庭贫困程度为依据的。
: 乡村教师培训有不少尝试，国内现在不少NGO也致力于这方面，OCEF已经开展的项目包
: 括资助乡村教师参加教学培训，等等。。乡村教师问题也是个非常大的问题，教师数量
: 严重不足，教师们负担又特别重。。但是对教师的投入又非常重要，因为他们可以让更
: 多的学生受益。。
| c******r
发帖数: 3778 | 19 我想这个杂志的好处在于：
1.现有乡村少儿这个平台，有经验，有资源。所以办起了容易很多。
2.杂志毕竟范围广。
3.办培训需要大量的人力，物力资源，而力所能及的范围非常有限。
4.你看起来对教育比较熟悉：）如果纠集一批人也比较有号召力：）
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 嗯，我也觉得这个主意挺好的。。
| s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 20 院长啊，你这是逼着我不能闭关啊，lol
标准化语言对经济环境的改善确实非常重要。但是经济不是唯一需要改善的，而且经济
改善并不一定就皆大欢喜了，unlike what the neoliberalism would argue, at
least i don't think so.. :)
我会挖新坑接着演说这个问题，kaka，敬请关注哦 :P
能有朋友在网上一起互相尊重平心静气的讨论这类问题真是很开心！就是我现在太忙，
等我有空了，咱们好好灌，哈哈
【在 c******r 的大作中提到】
: 我想这个杂志的好处在于：
: 1.现有乡村少儿这个平台，有经验，有资源。所以办起了容易很多。
: 2.杂志毕竟范围广。
: 3.办培训需要大量的人力，物力资源，而力所能及的范围非常有限。
: 4.你看起来对教育比较熟悉：）如果纠集一批人也比较有号召力：）
| | | s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 21 嗯，可以先看看国内是否有类似杂志存在，这样不用另起炉灶，而是优势互补
第四点，kaka，院长太高估我了，不过如果能结交到一批志同道合的朋友，当然再好不
过 ：）
【在 c******r 的大作中提到】
: 我想这个杂志的好处在于：
: 1.现有乡村少儿这个平台，有经验，有资源。所以办起了容易很多。
: 2.杂志毕竟范围广。
: 3.办培训需要大量的人力，物力资源，而力所能及的范围非常有限。
: 4.你看起来对教育比较熟悉：）如果纠集一批人也比较有号召力：）
| c******r
发帖数: 3778 | 22
为啥要闭关？不要不要，哈哈
是，经济不是唯一原因，但是经济是最重要的原因：）当然，这个经济改善的手段和经
济改善的结果一样重要。就是说提供平等的经济机会，远比提供经济能力要重要。授人
以鱼不如授人以渔的意思。
嘻嘻，其他问题，恩，偶的希望是消灭其他问题，哈哈
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 院长啊，你这是逼着我不能闭关啊，lol
: 标准化语言对经济环境的改善确实非常重要。但是经济不是唯一需要改善的，而且经济
: 改善并不一定就皆大欢喜了，unlike what the neoliberalism would argue, at
: least i don't think so.. :)
:
: 我会挖新坑接着演说这个问题，kaka，敬请关注哦 :P
: 能有朋友在网上一起互相尊重平心静气的讨论这类问题真是很开心！就是我现在太忙，
: 等我有空了，咱们好好灌，哈哈
| s*********e
发帖数: 884 | 23 院长讲得很有道理 ：）
我要闭关看书啊，有空了就过来挖坑，hoho
【在 c******r 的大作中提到】
:
: 为啥要闭关？不要不要，哈哈
: 是，经济不是唯一原因，但是经济是最重要的原因：）当然，这个经济改善的手段和经
: 济改善的结果一样重要。就是说提供平等的经济机会，远比提供经济能力要重要。授人
: 以鱼不如授人以渔的意思。
: 嘻嘻，其他问题，恩，偶的希望是消灭其他问题，哈哈
| c******r
发帖数: 3778 | 24 啥时候回来啊？不要搞太久哦，呵呵
【在 s*********e 的大作中提到】
: 院长讲得很有道理 ：）
: 我要闭关看书啊，有空了就过来挖坑，hoho
| w****w
发帖数: 14828 | |
|
