R****a
发帖数: 6858 | 1 我个人觉得这才是中国的希望，只有这样中国才能团结起来，共同为中国和中国人争取
阳光下的地盘和世界资源。
====================================
China’s Loyal Youth
TWITTER
LINKEDIN
SIGN IN TO E-MAIL OR SAVE THIS
PRINT
SHARE
By MATTHEW FORNEY
Published: April 13, 2008
Beijing
Enlarge This Image
Ronald J. Cala II
Related
Op-Ed Contributor: Don’t Know Much About Tibetan History (April 13, 2008)
Times Topics: China | Tibet
Blogrunner: Reactions From Around the Web
MANY sympathetic Westerners view Chinese society along the lines of what
they saw in the waning days of the Soviet Union: a repressive government
backed by old hard-liners losing its grip to a new generation of well-
educated, liberal-leaning sophisticates. As pleasant as this outlook may be,
it’s naïve. Educated young Chinese, far from being embarrassed or
upset by their government’s human-rights record, rank among the most
patriotic, establishment-supporting people you’ll meet.
As is clear to anyone who lives here, most young ethnic Chinese strongly
support their government’s suppression of the recent Tibetan uprising. One
Chinese friend who has a degree from a European university described the
conflict to me as “a clash between the commercial world and an old
aboriginal society.” She even praised her government for treating Tibetans
better than New World settlers treated Native Americans.
It’s a rare person in China who considers the desires of the Tibetans
themselves. “Young Chinese have no sympathy for Tibet,” a Beijing human-
rights lawyer named Teng Biao told me. Mr. Teng — a Han Chinese who has
offered to defend Tibetan monks caught up in police dragnets — feels very
alone these days. Most people in their 20s, he says, “believe the Dalai
Lama is trying to split China.”
Educated young people are usually the best positioned in society to bridge
cultures, so it’s important to examine the thinking of those in China. The
most striking thing is that, almost without exception, they feel rightfully
proud of their country’s accomplishments in the three decades since
economic reforms began. And their pride and patriotism often find expression
in an unquestioning support of their government, especially regarding Tibet.
The most obvious explanation for this is the education system, which can
accurately be described as indoctrination. Textbooks dwell on China’s
humiliations at the hands of foreign powers in the 19th century as if they
took place yesterday, yet skim over the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and
’70s as if it were ancient history. Students learn the neat calculation
that Chairman Mao’s tyranny was “30 percent wrong,” then the subject is
declared closed. The uprising in Tibet in the late 1950s, and the invasion
that quashed it, are discussed just long enough to lay blame on the “Dalai
clique,” a pejorative reference to the circle of advisers around Tibet’s
spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
Then there’s life experience — or the lack of it — that might otherwise
help young Chinese to gain a perspective outside the government’s viewpoint
. Young urban Chinese study hard and that’s pretty much it. Volunteer work,
sports, church groups, debate teams, musical skills and other
extracurricular activities don’t factor into college admission, so few
participate. And the government’s control of society means there aren’t
many non-state-run groups to join anyway. Even the most basic American
introduction to real life — the summer job — rarely exists for urban
students in China.
Recent Chinese college graduates are an optimistic group. And why not? The
economy has grown at a double-digit rate for as long as they can remember.
Those who speak English are guaranteed good jobs. Their families own homes.
They’ll soon own one themselves, and probably a car too. A cellphone, an
iPod, holidays — no problem. Small wonder the Pew Research Center in
Washington described the Chinese in 2005 as “world leaders in optimism.”
As for political repression, few young Chinese experience it. Most are too
young to remember the Tiananmen massacre of 1989 and probably nobody has
told them stories. China doesn’t feel like a police state, and the people
young Chinese read about who do suffer injustices tend to be poor — those
who lost homes to government-linked property developers without fair
compensation or whose crops failed when state-supported factories polluted
their fields.
Educated young Chinese are therefore the biggest beneficiaries of policies
that have brought China more peace and prosperity than at any time in the
past thousand years. They can’t imagine why Tibetans would turn up their
noses at rising incomes and the promise of a more prosperous future. The
loss of a homeland just doesn’t compute as a valid concern.
Of course, the nationalism of young Chinese may soften over time. As college
graduates enter the work force and experience their country’s corruption
and inefficiency, they often grow more critical. It is received wisdom in
China that people in their 40s are the most willing to challenge their
government, and the Tibet crisis bears out that observation. Of the 29
ethnic-Chinese intellectuals who last month signed a widely publicized
petition urging the government to show restraint in the crackdown, not one
was under 30.
Barring major changes in China’s education system or economy, Westerners
are not going to find allies among the vast majority of Chinese on key
issues like Tibet, Darfur and the environment for some time. If the debate
over Tibet turns this summer’s contests in Beijing into the Human Rights
Games, as seems inevitable, Western ticket-holders expecting to find Chinese
angry at their government will instead find Chinese angry at them.
Matthew Forney, a former Beijing bureau chief for Time, is writing a book
about raising his family in China. | c*****g
发帖数: 21627 | 2 楼主这无知小将
难道不知道美国的《爱国法案》？
以爱国之名，践踏民主，这是专制社会的共有特征
【在 R****a 的大作中提到】
: 我个人觉得这才是中国的希望，只有这样中国才能团结起来，共同为中国和中国人争取
: 阳光下的地盘和世界资源。
: ====================================
: China’s Loyal Youth
: TWITTER
: LINKEDIN
: SIGN IN TO E-MAIL OR SAVE THIS
: PRINT
: SHARE
: By MATTHEW FORNEY
|
|
